261010 Cockroach Janta Party — India's Gen Z Fight for the Voter Roll

Thesis (Alf’s read): The Cockroach Janta Party is not a party and its protests are not really about cockroaches. It is the first mass Indian movement in a decade whose organising principle is a procedure — who is allowed on the electoral roll, and who decides. That is why it matters beyond India: an argument about machinery can be won or lost on evidence, whereas an argument about identity cannot. The movement has already proved it can extract a resignation. Whether it can also prove that the world’s largest democracy can repair its own machinery in public is the question Hiro is really asking, and on the current evidence the answer is: not on its own — but it may be the only force strong enough to make the institutions do it.

Cockroach Janta Party — India’s Gen Z fight for the voter roll

Links

• Primary source (trigger): DW News, “Indian authorities try to shut down a ‘Cockroach’ protest in Delhi” — 25 min, uploaded 10 October 2026 (watch) [1]. Guests: Uday Chandra (political scientist, Ashoka University) and Ashutosh (journalist and columnist, former AAP politician). This 165-second segment is the trigger for the note; nothing below rests on it alone — the DW segment’s own framing contains at least four checkable errors, listed in ## What the DW segment got wrong.
• Research base: 42 cited sources, listed at the foot of this page. Verification ran in four parallel passes (the movement · the 10 October crackdown · the voter-roll revision and the Election Commission · the comparative and demographic context), each claim then re-tested against the underlying document.

Summary

What it is. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) — also spelled Cockroach Janata Party, “Cockroach People’s Party” — is a satirical Indian youth movement, founded 16 May 2026 by Abhijeet Dipke, a 30-year-old Boston University public-relations graduate and former Aam Aadmi Party social-media strategist [2][3]. It is not a registered political party; the Election Commission lists its status as “not registered”, and Britannica describes it as “not a registered political party but a caricature of one” [3][41]. Its self-description is “Voice of the Lazy & Unemployed” — the name parodies the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party [2][4].

How it started. On 15 May 2026 the Chief Justice of India, Surya Kant, said in a Supreme Court hearing that there were “youngsters like cockroaches” who, unable to find work, turn to media, social media and activism and “start attacking everyone” — remarks made while criticising what he called “parasites of society” attacking institutions [2][41]. Dipke’s launch post on X was one line: “What if all cockroaches come together?” [5]. Within a week the Instagram account had ~20.5 million followers, overtaking both the BJP and the Congress [2][3].

What it demanded, and won. Its first demand was the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, over the NEET-UG 2026 paper leak (the exam was held 3 May 2026 and cancelled on 12 May; roughly 2.0–2.3 million candidates faced a re-sit for about 130,000 medical places) [9][39]. An indefinite sit-in began at Jantar Mantar on 20 June; Sonam Wangchuk joined with a hunger strike on 28 June [2][7]. A march on Parliament on 20 July met tear gas, batons and alleged pellet guns, with contested injury counts [9][41]. Pradhan resigned on 25 July 2026 — the movement’s declared “first victory” [8].

Where it is now. In early October the target shifted to the voter rolls: on 2 October the CJP mobilised in Mumbai demanding the resignation of the Chief Election Commissioner, Gyanesh Kumar, over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) [7]. On 10 October 2026 it attempted a protest at Jantar Mantar. Delhi was turned into a fortress: the protest was banned, more than 250 trains were cancelled, metro stations closed, an internet shutdown imposed, tens of thousands of police deployed, and Dipke, Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka were detained on their flight from Mumbai before they could disembark [6][10][19][20][21].

What the Cockroach Janta Party actually is

• A movement, not a party — and deliberately so. Britannica: “the CJP is not a registered political party but a collective that now works as a pressure group”; the BBC likewise [3][5]. Dipke has “stopped short of saying whether the CJP will formally enter electoral politics”, cautioning against comparisons with the Gen Z uprisings in Bangladesh and Nepal: “Whatever we do, we will do within the rights of the constitution. We will do it in a very democratic and peaceful way.” His stated ambition is an “online political party” that mobilises youth and “guide[s] supporters toward activism through steps such as filing Right To Information applications” [2].
• Structure. Dipke is national convener; Saurav Das (chief spokesperson, a former investigative journalist) and Ashutosh Ranka (spokesperson; formerly at McKinsey in London and associated with AAP) are co-conveners [3][5]. Britannica reports a 12-member national working committee — a single-source detail, so treat the shape as confirmed and the number as reported [3].
• A split, already. On 3 September 2026 the activist Manish Brahmbhatt launched a breakaway, “Cockroach Janata Party-Democratic” (CJP-D). This rests on one source and is included only so a later reading is not surprised by it [41].
• What it means for the talk of Indian democracy: it is “one of the biggest protest movements in India in more than a decade” [3], and — in the words of the political analyst Pratap Bhanu Mehta — it “has lifted the pall of fear”, because “this government is used to governing with impunity” [9].

The crackdown of 10 October 2026

The Delhi Police had banned the protest, citing law and order, under Section 163 of the BNSS [20]. What followed, in the reporting:

• Detentions. Al Jazeera: police met Dipke at the airport and asked him to call off the protest; Das and Ranka were detained from their flight on landing [10]. The BBC’s live coverage confirms the three, and records that Dhruv Rathee — a YouTuber with over 33 million subscribers, who flew in from Germany to join the protest — was detained at his residence in Gurugram [6]. CJP’s legal-team head Ratna Singh was detained with three other lawyers; Ajinkya Shinde took charge of the gathering [6][38]. The total number detained is reported across an irreconcilable range — from about 200 at Jantar Mantar (PTI), ~500 (Delhi Police), 1,000–1,600 (Al Jazeera/Time), to a home-ministry figure of 2,000+ given to Reuters — with a separate CJP claim of “at least 10,000” nationally. The one figure with a clean definition is “nearly 1,200”, and it covers overnight detentions only [10][22].
• Transport. More than 250 trains to and from Delhi were cancelled; the closure window reported is 04:00–14:00 arrivals (not the 02:00–16:00 given in the DW segment) [21]. Metro stations were closed and then scaled back from 57 to 45 after the Supreme Court intervened on commuter hardship [22][23].
• Force. “Nearly 30,000 personnel” (Al Jazeera); reported across a range from 20,000 to 40,000+ [10][20].
• Journalists. Detained and barred from Jantar Mantar, phones seized; press bodies condemned it, with the Committee to Protect Journalists confirming names [19].
• Beyond Delhi. Students travelling from other states were removed from trains and buses and detained; several were placed under house arrest hundreds of kilometres away [10].
• The courts. The Supreme Court had already warned the government off what the Chief Justice illustrated as using “a hammer to kill a fly”, demanding proportionality — with the caveat that the Solicitor General asked the court not to be reported as having said the government was using one [23].
• The government’s position. Denials of wrongdoing over the voter-roll issue come from the Election Commission, the BJP and the Home Minister; the restrictions are justified as law and order [22].

The voter rolls: what the SIR actually did

This is the substance, and it is the part with the best evidence.

• What it is. The Special Intensive Revision began in Bihar in June 2025 and expands in phases. It requires every registered elector to submit an enumeration form, “map” themselves against the roll from the last intensive revision of the early 2000s, and produce eligibility documents [11][18]. The last all-India revision was 2002–04 [18].
• The scale of the cut. Over 13 crore (133.7 million) names have been removed from draft rolls across 30 states and union territories so far [11]. Across the third phase, deletions in 17 states/UTs total 6.15 crore [11].
• Delhi leads. 47.7 lakh of 1.45 crore voters — 32.8% — were dropped from the draft roll published 31 August 2026. The breakdown: 29.86% marked absent/shifted/other, 1.95% deceased, 0.98% enrolled at multiple places [11][12].
• West Bengal. Around 27.16 lakh names were removed — not “27 people”, the figure given in the DW discussion, which appears to be a garbled unit [15].
• The mechanism. A centralised AI/ERONet process flags “logical discrepancies”, including a name and a father’s name not spelled identically, on grounds that would otherwise exclude a real elector [16][42].
• Not final, and recoverable — on paper. Those wrongly dropped can claim inclusion on Form 6 (which is the inclusion form, not a deletion instrument — the DW discussion’s framing is a category error) between 31 August and 30 September; claims and objections run to 29 October. Delhi’s final roll is due 4 November 2026 [12][17].
• The court has already blessed the process once. The Supreme Court upheld the SIR order in a judgment in May 2026 (ADR v ECI), while separate petitions on the process and on the CEC continue [18].

Inside the Election Commission — the story that gives the movement its spine

On 23 September 2026 The Indian Express published an investigation reporting that two of the three Election Commissioners — Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi — objected on the record 14 times in 10 months to steps taken by the Commission, including:

• being kept in the dark about additions of new voters and deletions of names;
• steps on new voters they called “unauthorised, illegal”;
• a warning that the voter database was being “centralised” in Delhi, bypassing state officials;
• such deep concern about the integrity of the voter software that dissenting commissioners approached the Cabinet Secretary [13].

The paper calls it “an unprecedented rupture inside the Election Commission” [13][14]. In April 2026 Sandhu told senior officers that “many communications go out in the name of the ECI but they do not have the approval of the Commission”, requiring that every communication now carry it “as per the provisions of 2023 Act”; eight days later Joshi repeated the point, citing Article 324 of the Constitution [13].

Where the constitutional frame comes from. In Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2 March 2023) the Supreme Court held that the committee selecting the Chief Election Commissioner should comprise the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and the Chief Justice of India — a neutral third party. The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, No. 49 of 2023 (assent 28 December 2023, in force 2 January 2024) substituted a Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister for the Chief Justice, giving the government a 2–1 majority on appointments [19]. That, not the roll itself, is the structural fault line the movement is pointing at.

Where India sits — the context for the challenge

• The scale. 96.88 crore (968.8 million) electors on the 2024 roll — the largest electorate in the world; about 642 million voted [30][31].
• The result. The BJP won 240 seats against a majority threshold of 272; the NDA reached 293 and governs dependent on allies (TDP 16, JD(U) 12) [32].
• The demographic. Population ~1.46 billion, median age about 28–29. The commonly cited “roughly two-thirds under 35” is UNFPA-derived and widely repeated, but no single official figure pins “under 35”; the Indian government’s own published metric is 15–29 = 27.2% of the population [33].
• The indices. Freedom House downgraded India from “Free” to “Partly Free” in its 2021 report (covering 2020); it now scores 62/100, Partly Free, with internet freedom at 51/100 [26][27]. V-Dem places India in its “electoral autocracy” category, with a Democracy Report 2026 score of 0.38 — its lowest since 1975; the year of the reclassification is genuinely contested across V-Dem’s own vintages [24][25]. The EIU keeps India a “flawed democracy” (41st, 7.29) with no category change, but among the biggest decliners [28].
• And the counter-context, which belongs here. India’s own Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council has published working papers disputing the methodology of all three indices — “serious problems … in these perception-based indices” [29]. Any note that cites the indices should say so.
• The electoral calendar. Five states vote in February–March 2027 — Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa, Manipur. Delhi’s assembly is not in that window (last election 5 February 2025; next due 2030), so Delhi is a pressure venue, not an imminent electoral test [34].

The challenge — can the largest democracy repair itself, and show how?

Hiro’s question, verbatim: “Can the largest democracy in the world try to fix it and show how it should be done - led by Gen Z.”

Why India is the right test case, and not just the biggest one. Three things are true simultaneously, and rarely are: (a) there is a documented, procedural defect — 133.7 million names off draft rolls, an internal Election Commission rupture recorded in 14 dissents, and an appointment rule the Supreme Court itself tried to neutralise in 2023; (b) there is a constitutional court still willing to act (it upheld the revision’s legality and told the government not to use a hammer to kill a fly); and (c) there is a mass movement with an evidence-based demand, which has already extracted one ministerial resignation. A repair that is visible here is transferable, because the machinery — a national roll, an independent commission, a court with jurisdiction over both — exists in dozens of countries.

The five axes (the test the frame has to pass).

Axis	Applied here
Scale	968.8 million electors; 133.7 million names removed from draft rolls in 30 states/UTs. Nothing larger exists in democratic practice.
Depth	Disenfranchisement is the loss of the vote itself — and the burden of proof fell on the excluded. Wrongly deleted electors had one month to reclaim a right they already held.
Reach	It propagates: into the 2027 state elections, into confidence in every future result, into the legitimacy of the commission itself.
Reversibility	Deletion is individually reversible (Form 6) and institutionally sticky — the centralisation, the AI matching and the 2–1 appointment rule all survive the movement that exposed them.
Trajectory	Worsening on the structural facts (a minority government with three years in office, an appointments rule it wrote itself), improving on the accountability facts (a court, a press investigation, a movement).

What “fixed and shown how it should be done” would measurably look like. This is the only useful form of the question — otherwise it is a wish. Falsifiable markers, in date order:

1. By 4 November 2026 — Delhi’s final roll published, with the re-inclusion rate disclosed: how many of the 47.7 lakh reclaimed their vote, and on what grounds. A silent final roll is an answer too.
2. By the same date — the EC publishes state-level deletion data with reasons, not just the total. Today’s national figure is a draft-stage aggregate with no single published official national total.
3. The 14 dissents — either reconciled and published, or the dissenting commissioners’ concerns adjudicated by the Supreme Court, rather than absorbed.
4. The appointment rule — the 2023 Act’s “Cabinet Minister” substitution revisited, restoring the neutral third member the 2023 judgment required. This is the single change that outlives the movement.
5. AI/ERONet matching — an independent audit of the “logical discrepancy” criteria and an error rate, with a right of appeal that does not depend on the excluded person proving their innocence within a month.
6. February–March 2027 — the five state elections held on rolls whose integrity is independently attested, with turnout comparable to 2024 (the one signal that eligible voters were not silently removed).
7. The cases — charges against protesters and journalists dropped or tried, and the movement itself treated as a lawful political actor.

Who could actually do it — and this is where the framing usually goes wrong.

• The Supreme Court can change the appointment rule and enforce process; it cannot make a commission behave.
• The Election Commission can publish, audit and reverse its own centralisation — and its own two dissenters have already written the blueprint.
• The movement can supply the pressure, the scrutiny and the public evidence; it cannot be the repair, because it is unregistered, has no electoral vehicle and split within four months.
• Gen Z supplies the arithmetic — median age 28–29, and a generation whose stake is the longest and whose patience is the shortest. In India it is also the cohort that was insulted into existence: the movement began because a Chief Justice called unemployed young people cockroaches.

The honest counter-case — the part a real frame must survive.

1. The movement has not yet faced an election, and the government recently won several state elections. Mass mobilisation in Delhi is not the same as votes. The Guardian’s own piece notes Modi “still has three years left in office and recently won a string of crucial state elections” [9].
2. Youth-led movements elsewhere have removed governments without repairing institutions. Kenya’s 2024 uprising forced the Finance Bill’s withdrawal and a cabinet dissolution; Nepal’s 2025 protests toppled a prime minister; Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya drove out the Rajapaksas; Bangladesh’s 2024 student uprising ended the Hasina government. Each delivered political turnover; none is yet a demonstrated model of durable institutional repair [35][36][37] — which is precisely the gap this challenge asks India to close.
3. The “backsliding” frame is disputed. India’s own government rejects the indices’ methodology [29]; a note that ignores that is advocacy, not analysis.
4. The roll revision is not, on its face, illegal. The Supreme Court upheld the SIR order in May 2026 [18]. The case against it is about administration and scale — 32.8% in Delhi, an AI matching rule, an internal rupture — not about a power the Commission does not have. The strongest version of the demand is procedural, and the movement has, to its credit, made it that way.
5. Momentum is the scarcest resource. A movement built on a meme has already split once [41]; the same humour that made it unignorable can make it disposable.

What would make this a “showing how it should be done” rather than a protest story: a published, auditable reversal — a roll that is repaired in the open, with numbers, by institutions that had to be pushed. That is a transferable artifact. A government that merely loses is not a lesson; a procedure that is fixed in public is.

What the DW segment got wrong

The 165-second trigger is worth correcting explicitly, because three of its four errors are the kind that propagate into talks.

• “It started mid-July” — wrong. The CJP was founded 16 May 2026; its first street protest was 6 June. The “week of 20 July” is the Parliament march, not the origin [2][3][7].
• “Chief Election Commissioner Ganesh Kumar” — wrong name. It is Gyanesh Kumar [7][13].
• “In Bengal 27 people have been deleted” — wrong by five orders of magnitude. The figure is 27.16 lakh (~2.7 million) [15].
• “A modified Form 6 is being used for deletions” — a category error. Form 6 is the inclusion form. The modified-Form 6 litigation is real, but it is about enrolment [17].
• “250+ trains cancelled between 2am and 4pm” — the count holds; the window does not (reporting gives 04:00–14:00 arrivals) [21].
• “Three leaders… Abjid Dipk, Shrianka, Sarab Das” — auto-caption garbles. The names are Abhijeet Dipke, Ashutosh Ranka and Saurav Das; the YouTuber was Dhruv Rathee, detained at his Gurugram home, not on the flight [6].
• What it got right: the detention of the leaders on board the flight before disembarkation; the Pradhan resignation (though 25 July, five days after the march); Delhi losing about a third of its voters; “130 million deleted” (approximately — 13.37 crore); the two commissioners’ 14 objections; and the government’s denial.

What this page could not verify

• A single official national deletion total. The 13.37 crore figure is EC data reported at draft stage, in 30 states/UTs; no single published ECI national total was located [11].
• The exact number detained on 10 October 2026. The published range (~200 → 2,000+) cannot be reconciled: different venues, different counting rules, preventive versus charged [10][22].
• The India-specific death toll and injury counts around the NEET protests and the 20 July march — carried across outlets as ranges (12+/21/22 suicides; 150/178/~180 injured) and left as ranges here [9][39][40].
• The “two-thirds under 35” claim as an official statistic — it is UNFPA-derived and widely repeated, not a single government figure [33].
• The Hindi rendering कॉकरोच जनता पार्टी, which appears only on unofficial clone/SEO domains [41].
• The CJP’s internal 12-member committee figure, single-sourced to Britannica [3].

Why it matters

This lands on three of the vault’s live threads at once. Loss of faith in democracies — not as a mood but as a measurable procedural failure, with the dissent notes to prove it. Gen Z rising — the first mass movement here whose demand is institutional rather than identity-based, and which has already won once. And digital and information chaos — an AI matching rule deleting voters on spelling discrepancies, and a YouTuber with 33 million subscribers detained alongside the leaders, which is what the information layer of a protest looks like now. It is also the clearest live case for the polycrisis argument that the same decade produces both the strongest surveillance toolkit and the fastest-organising generation.

My assessment (Alf)

The strongest thing in this story is that the fight is about machinery. 133.7 million names, 14 recorded dissents, a 2–1 appointment rule the Supreme Court tried to remove and the government restored — these are auditable facts, not a culture war. That matters because procedural arguments can be won on evidence. A movement demanding a published re-inclusion rate is far harder for a government to dismiss than one demanding an apology.

The weakest thing is the instinct to cast the movement as the fixer. It is not, and it cannot be: it is unregistered, has no electoral vehicle, split within four months, and its own founder declines to say whether it will contest anything. In the historical comparators, youth movements remove governments — Kenya, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh all did exactly that — and institutional repair is what then goes missing. If Hiro is asking whether Gen Z can fix the largest democracy, the honest answer is: Gen Z can supply the pressure and the arithmetic, and the courts and the commission must supply the repair, in public. The test of success is not the size of the protest; it is whether Delhi’s final roll on 4 November 2026 reports how many people got their vote back.

On “show how it should be done” — that phrase is doing more work than it looks. India’s prestige as the largest democracy is not evidence of anything; it is a lever. The transferable artifact would be a published reversal: numbers, reasons, an audit of the matching rules, and a rule that binds the next appointment regardless of who wins. No democracy has yet produced that piece of paper out of a youth protest. If India does, it will be worth more than every index downgrade put together.

One framing caution I would hold to. It is tempting to write the indices (62/100, “electoral autocracy”, lowest V-Dem score since 1975) as though they settle the question. They do not: V-Dem’s own vintages disagree about the year of the reclassification, and India’s government disputes the methodology of all three indices [24][25][29]. Quote them as the informed judgement of named organisations, which is what they are — the dissent notes from inside the Election Commission are stronger evidence than any of them.

And a note on the movement’s own durability. Its weapon is humour, and humour is fast. What it did in fourteen weeks — a minister resigning, a roll revision under forensic press scrutiny — is real. Movements that turn procedural scrutiny into lasting rules are rarer than governments that fall, and that is the bar I would set.

Related

• Loss of Faith in Democracies - Global Problem — the home thread: legitimacy, information chaos and AI-era governance
• Gen Z Rising - The Global Problem — the Gen Z half; this note is the first case in it where the demand is procedural
• Gen Z Rising - Skilling Path — the hopeful half: what the same generation builds rather than protests
• Digital and Information Chaos — AI matching on spelling discrepancies; a YouTuber detained with the leaders
• Global Inequality and Dependency — who ends up off a roll, and what the burden of proof costs them
• Polycrisis — surveillance capacity and mass mobilisation arriving in the same decade
• Intentional News Consumption and Polycrisis

Sources

[1] https://youtu.be/eoxVMhKlf98 — DW News — Indian authorities try to shut down a ‘Cockroach’ protest in Delhi (10 October 2026) [2] https://www.the-independent.com/asia/india/cockroach-janta-party-cjp-protest-abhijeet-dipke-delhi-b3020114.html — The Independent — What is Cockroach Janta Party and why millions of Indians are proudly calling themselves ‘cockroaches’ [3] https://www.britannica.com/topic/What-is-the-Cockroach-Janta-Party — Britannica — Cockroach Janta Party [4] https://www.cockroachjantaparty.org — Cockroach Janta Party — official site [5] https://bbc.com/news/articles/cly0ey5y10qo — BBC News — the Cockroach Janta Party and Abhijeet Dipke [6] https://bbc.co.uk/news/live/cwg7xz8vr58pt — BBC News — live coverage of the 10 October 2026 Delhi detentions [7] https://www.outlookindia.com/national/from-neet-protests-to-sir-how-dipkes-cjp-became-a-youth-protest-group — Outlook India — From NEET protests to SIR: how Dipke’s CJP became a youth protest group [8] https://telanganatoday.com/cjp-calls-pradhans-resignation-first-victory-in-neet-leak-protest-says-two-demands-remain — Telangana Today — CJP calls Pradhan’s resignation its first victory in the NEET-leak protest [9] https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/jul/25/i-will-die-for-this-cause-how-indias-cockroach-meme-became-the-biggest-challenge-to-modis-grip-on-power — The Guardian — ‘I will die for this cause’: how India’s cockroach meme became the biggest challenge to Modi’s grip on power (25 July 2026) [10] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/10/10/how-can-you-stop-these-kids-indian-capital-on-lockdown-before-protests — Al Jazeera — ‘How can you stop these kids?’ Indian capital on lockdown before protests (10 October 2026) [11] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/election-commission-sir-draft-rolls-13-crore-deletions-delhi-leads-10857760 — The Indian Express — SIR draft rolls see over 13 crore deletions so far, Delhi leads with 33% left out [12] https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/delhis-draft-electoral-roll-published-47-7-lakh-of-1-45-crore-voters-dropped-10856705 — The Indian Express — A third of Delhi voters dropped from draft list after SIR (31 August 2026) [13] https://indianexpress.com/article/express-exclusive/election-commission-sir-14-objections-gyanesh-kumar-sukhbir-singh-sandhu-vivek-joshi-10889737 — The Indian Express (exclusive) — 14 times in 10 months, two Election Commissioners objected on record to poll panel steps [14] https://indianexpress.com/article/express-exclusive/election-commission-special-intensive-revision-sir-electoral-roll-centralisation-eci-ecinet-10889738 — The Indian Express (exclusive) — the SIR, the electoral roll and the centralisation question at the ECI [15] https://indianexpress.com/article/india/west-bengal-electoral-rolls-ec-supreme-court-appeals-deleted-voters-10885130 — The Indian Express — West Bengal electoral rolls: EC in the Supreme Court over deleted voters [16] https://hindustantimes.com/india-news/form-6-row-how-an-eci-order-reached-supreme-court-timeline-101791250931991.html — Hindustan Times — Form 6 row: how an ECI order reached the Supreme Court [17] https://newsonair.gov.in/supreme-court-upholds-legality-of-ecis-special-intensive-revision-of-electoral-rolls — News On AIR — Supreme Court upholds legality of ECI’s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls [18] https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/what-does-the-law-say-about-cecs-removal-explained/article71512663.ece — The Hindu — What does the law say about the CEC’s removal? 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